23 10 12 AllAfrica -Rwanda: Favoring African Solutions, Not Tribal Alliances – FM Mushikiwabo

Since
leading the insurgency that ended his country’s genocide in 1994 and
becoming head of state in 2000, Kagame – who is 55 – has been widely
acclaimed for directing a rapid economic and social transformation of
his country. These efforts have been underpinned by large-scale inflows
of foreign aid – U.S. $900 million in 2010, a tripling over the past
decade, according to Reuters. 
But cracks in the solid wall of
foreign support began to appear following accusations of human rights
abuses and a United Nations investigation earlier this year. The latest
salvo against the Kagame government was a draft report by a United
Nations Security Council ‘Group of Experts’, leaked to Reuters last
week, accusing Rwanda – along with Uganda – of helping to sponsor a
rebel movement in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)
known as the M23. 
 
The militia, which was
incorporated into the Congolese army in a 2009 peace agreement, mutinied
in April against the government of President Joseph Kabila to protest
its failure to implement the accord. Over the past six months, M23 has
seized a significant chunk of territory in fighting that has threatened
Goma – capitol of Northern Kivu Province – and uprooted as many as a
half million people along Congo’s border with Uganda and Rwanda,
according to the BBC. 
 
In the strongest
condemnation of Rwanda’s engagement to date, the leaked UN panel’s
report says the M23 is commanded by Rwanda’s defense minister, Gen.
James Kabarebe. After charges of Rwanda’s backing for the rebels first
surfaced in July, the U.S. government suspended a small military aid
program, while Sweden, the Netherlands and Germany announced delays in
assistance. A senior U.S. official told AllAfrica “there is no doubt”
Rwanda is helping the M23. 
 
Britain initially
blocked a portion of its aid package, before resuming full funding in
September. Defending the decision to restore aid, Prime Minister David
Cameron called Rwanda “a success story of a country”, but added: “We do
not accept that they should be supporting militias in Congo.” None of
the announced cuts were sufficient to dent assistance flows, which
account for 40 percent of Rwanda’s budget, but the growing pressure
could have an impact in the longer term, especially if the pressure
slows aid from the World Bank and other major backers. 
 
Kagame
has also come under fire for restricting political opposition and media
freedom and has been accused of unlawful detentions and torture. 
 
But
he appears undeterred. Last Thursday, after Rwanda won election in the
UN General Assembly to a two-year term on the Security Council with full
backing from the Africa’s 54 UN members, Kagame returned to Twitter.
“No matter what haters say,” he said, “justice&truth will prevail!!!
Sometimes it just requires a bit of good fight for all that…!!!” 
Denying
Rwandan support for the M23, Kagame insists that African governments
can and must work together to end the fighting. “Regional initiatives
are key to finding a lasting solution and anyone who wants to help
should support them,” he told a high-level meeting convened by United
Nations Secretary General Ban Ki Moon last month. 
 
Rwandan
Foreign Minister Louise Mushikiwabo, who has been championing Rwanda’s
case at the United Nations, welcomed the Security Council election –
also on Twitter – calling the vote “a testament to how far we've come
& our commitment to international peace.” 
 
In
an interview with AllAfrica in New York, Mushikiwabo outlined her
government’s rebuttal to the charges and blueprint for peace. Excerpts: 
 
What do you see as an ‘African solution’ to the Congolese conflict? 
 
The
whole concept of African solutions to African problems – as far as
Rwanda is concerned – is not a rejection of anybody else's input. It's
not “Africa against the rest of the world”. Not at all. We are not
isolationists. We do not think that Africa should not listen to
anybody. 
 
We believe that what works best – when
it comes to conflict, but also when it comes to development – is for our
partners in the West to listen to what we are saying and help us with
what we think are appropriate solutions. It has worked very well for
Rwanda in the field of development, and the reason it worked is because
our political philosophy is rooted in owning our destiny. It was not
always easy, especially in the beginning, when we requested of those who
were giving us their money to let us make our own development plans. We
said we are open to being evaluated, to being monitored – to see if
what we are doing works. What happens to us from a certain point in our
history has to be a result of what we aspire to. When we have
challenges, we should own up. When we have failings, we should own up. 
 
When
it comes to moving out of poverty, creating harmony and getting rid of
conflicts that we have inherited, can we Africans come up with
solutions, and get supported by our partners in the West? We strongly
believe it's the only way these solutions can last. 
 
What do you see as the main obstacles to a resolution of the conflict in eastern Congo? 
 
One,
there is not enough trust. Everybody is supportive of the idea that we
should come up with African solutions. But it's much more in statements
than it is in reality. Two, our partners away from the continent have
real interests at stake, so sometimes this concept of African solutions
does not work well for them. There has been a lot of condemning and
accusing [on the part of many in the West]. Africans are ready to look
for a political solution. 
 
You and President
Kagame have suggested that resolution of the conflict in eastern Congo
can be achieved through the organization known as the International
Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR). Has there been progress
towards peace since the regional summit in Kampala in August? 
 
Yes.
The process delivered a cease fire and a mechanism for monitoring the
borders of DRC and Rwanda – the Expanded Joint Verification Mechanism,
which is very important as a confidence-building measure. 
 
President Museveni of Uganda has been engaged in political discussions between the M23 and the Government of Kinshasa. 
These
are major achievements for the region, but they are under-reported. Our
efforts are met with a lot of skepticism. It is a mistake to discount
the region. There are nine countries surrounding the DRC, and we are all
very actively engaged in the business of development. We are improving
the lives of our people. We have no interest in an unstable Congo. In
Rwanda, we have a history with Congo ­– good and bad. We have blood ties
– communities on both side of the border. We have business ties. 
The
accusations against Rwanda are created to fit a certain narrative, a
certain thinking about Rwanda and Africa. In the minds of some in the
west, Africans are seen as either victims or brutes. 
 
What is your response to the charges that your government is backing the M23? 
 
A
number of promises that were made in 2009 [in the peace agreement] were
not lived up to, and the M23 became an unhappy faction in the Congolese
army. Mutiny is an act of indiscipline. It's deplorable, but you need
to address it. Rwanda would not want a mutiny in its army. Why would we
support mutiny across the border? 
 
The erroneous
analysis is to think that because there are Tutsi across the border [in
Congo] therefore the Tutsi in Rwanda must be helping those Tutsi. We
don't run our country by primitive instincts. We don't look for anybody
who is tribally connected to us. 
We are a state. We have our
own interests. We will never be able to interact with the rest of the
world properly if we are always viewed as tribal feuding groups and not
as real countries [that] function just like anybody else. 
 
We
are, of course, interested in the well-being of Congolese of Rwandan
descent. If they are facing discrimination, we will talk it out
state-to-state. We don't function through local groups, and that's
really what is in people's minds. I find that to be a very racist way of
looking at Africa. 
 
There are 40 million people
of Rwandan descent in the region, and there are only 12 million in
Rwanda. It's as if the President of Rwanda is going to be responsible
for anybody who is any way related to Rwandans around the region. 
 
Does Rwanda have continuing concerns over security threats inside Congo? 
 
Before
this flare up in April, we were pretty satisfied with our collaboration
with Kinshasa in terms of securing our borders. Since 2010, we have had
a joint operation with our special forces and with select forces from
Kinshasa. That is why it surprises us when people say that we need a
proxy group. There is no security in a proxy group. The best guarantee
is by working with a state. 
That's what we did in 2009, and
it's been working well. In North Kivu we were able to achieve results in
terms of the threat of the FDLR [the Hutu-dominated Democratic Forces
for the Liberation of Rwanda]. South Kivu is much more complicated. But
we were getting there, which is why we regret this whole disruption. 
 
You don’t regard the M23 as a needed buffer against the FDLR? 
 
No, a mutinous group from the Congo army does not offer security. The solution long term lies in collaboration between states. 
 
How would you characterize current relations between your President and the DRC president, Joseph Kabila? 
 
There
is no question that the cordial, harmonious way we have been working
together since 2009 has been bruised. We have had signs of bad faith
from the government in Kinshasa. 
 
This happened
to me personally when I was in Kinshasa [recently], talking about how to
make the joint verification work. While we were talking, Kinshasa was
sending a letter to the Security Council calling us “aggressor”. That
has created tension, but we continue to talk. In Kinshasa, there are
many competing political interests. 
 
When it
comes to the DRC, we have been there before. If we can get the right
attitude, if we can get truthfulness and sincerity on the side of
Kinshasa, we can pick up tomorrow morning and hopefully find a solution
soon. 
 
What are next steps after the ceasefire and monitoring mechanism? 
 
With
M23, you need to disarm them completely, make them put down their
weapons. That can only happen by talking, and that's what Uganda is
doing – talking between Kinshasa and M23. At the same time – and this is
of interest to Rwanda, in particular because of the accusations against
us – we have now twenty-something officers on the ground [doing the
monitoring] – led by a Ugandan Brigadier General and deputized by a
colonel from Congo-Brazzaville. They are checking information and
movements along a certain portion of the border. 
 
The
involvement of the region is critical because we all want peace, all of
us in the region. We do not benefit from instability and volatility in
Congo. It's not in anybody's interest NOT to look for a sustainable
peaceful solution in eastern Congo. This is not going to happen tomorrow
morning, but we're pressing the issue and working solutions. We have a
long relationship with the current administration in Kinshasa. There is
no reason why it cannot be used positively.

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